The aim of this working document is therefore to analyse the digital economy and the transformation of work by considering whether specific developments in this respect can be better characterised as a continuation of previous trends or a departure from the past. Based on more than 25 years of research experience in the field, the authors firstly investigate which aspects of the digital economy model can be deemed genuine novelties and potential harbingers of major breaks with the past, and which are merely amplified versions of existing trends for industry and service-sector restructuring and workplace transformations. The second part of the document examines the major technological breakthroughs which are currently disrupting workplaces, as well as their transformative potential, while the third part looks at new forms of work – particularly virtual work – in the digital economy. The fourth and final part of the document deals with the relationship between geographical distance and social bonds and the regulatory challenges posed by unstructured working patterns, before concluding with a reappraisal of the meaning of work in professional environments where virtual worlds cross over into real life.

Studies on the future of work tend to focus on the jobs at risk of automation, with projections varying widely from 6% to 59%. Sunil Johal and Michael Urban take a different approach in reviewing eight expert reports and the actions taken by nine ckey takeaways ;ountries to prepare for the challenges ahead. They distill key lessons for Canada to ensure workers are equipped with the skills they need to thrive in tomorrow’s economy, whatever shape it takes. In our first report in Skills Next, we look at top research and skills training programs that are succeeding internationally, and highlight for Canadian policymakers key features driving success. The future of work will disrupt traditional labour employer-worker relations in five distinct ways. So by looking at skills training programs around the globe, what can be learned about developing digital tools for citizens, building innovation hubs, effective public-private partnerships, responsible public spending, and legal reforms that policymakers can use at home?

The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol (A/RES/61/106) was adopted on 13 December 2006 at the United Nations Headquarters in New York, and was opened for signature on 30 March 2007. There were 82 signatories to the Convention, 44 signatories to the Optional Protocol, and 1 ratification of the Convention. This is the highest number of signatories in history to a UN Convention on its opening day. It is the first comprehensive human rights treaty of the 21st century and is the first human rights convention to be open for signature by regional integration organizations. The Convention entered into force on 3 May 2008. The Convention follows decades of work by the United Nations to change attitudes and approaches to persons with disabilities. It takes to a new height the movement from viewing persons with disabilities as œobjects of charity, medical treatment and social protection towards viewing persons with disabilities as œsubjects with rights, who are capable of claiming those rights and making decisions for their lives based on their free and informed consent as well as being active members of society. The Convention is intended as a human rights instrument with an explicit, social development dimension. It adopts a broad categorization of persons with disabilities and reaffirms that all persons with all types of disabilities must enjoy all human rights and fundamental freedoms. It clarifies and qualifies how all categories of rights apply to persons with disabilities and identifies areas where adaptations have to be made for persons with disabilities to effectively exercise their rights and areas where their rights have been violated, and where protection of rights must be reinforced. The Convention was negotiated during eight sessions of an Ad Hoc Committee of the General Assembly from 2002 to 2006, making it the fastest negotiated human rights treaty.

Between 1991 and 2011, the share of young people with a university degree increased significantly, as did the share of young workers employed in professional occupations. Nevertheless, many young university degree holders could still be consideredoverqualified'--working in occupations requiring lower levels of education. In this article, changes in the overqualification among young graduates are examined over the period from 1991 to 2011. In 2011, 28% of all employed women aged 25 to 34 worked inprofessional' occupations--those typically requiring a university degree--up from 18% in 1991. Among employed men the same age, 18% worked in professional occupations in 2011, up from 13% in 1991. Among university graduates aged 25 to 34 who were not in management occupations, 18% of men and women worked in occupations usually requiring a high school education or less, and about 40% of both men and women worked in occupations usually requiring a college-level education or less. These proportions have changed little since 1991. Among university-educated immigrants who did not graduate in Canada or the United States, 43% of women and 35% of men worked in occupations requiring a high school education or less. In comparison, the same rates for the Canadian-born and for immigrants who graduated in Canada or the U.S. varied between 15% and 20%. About one third of working men and women aged 25 to 34 with a university degree in humanities (which includes history, literature and philosophy) were employed in occupations requiring a high school education or less. In contrast, less than 10% of men and women with a university degree in education were in occupations typically requiring a high school education. Men and women in health and related fields, and in architecture, engineering and related fields also had rates below 15%.

This article provides information on the labour market participation of Canadians 25 to 64 years of age with a physical or mental disability related to seeing, hearing, mobility, flexibility, dexterity, pain, learning, development, psychological/mental disorders or memory. The factors associated with the employment participation of persons with disabilities are discussed, along with their job characteristics. In 2011, the employment rate of Canadians aged 25 to 64 with disabilities was 49%, compared with 79% for Canadians without a disability. The employment rate among persons aged 25 to 64 with a mild disability was 68%, compared with 54% of those with a moderate disability, 42% of persons with a severe disability and 26% among those with a very severe disability. The difference in employment rates between persons with disabilities and those without a disability was lower among university graduates. This difference was non-significant in the case of university graduates who had a mild or moderate disability. Approximately 1 in 2 university graduates, with or without a disability, held a professional occupation. However, graduates with a disability were less likely to hold a management position and earned less than those without a disability, especially among men. Among Canadians with a disability, 12% reported having been refused a job in the previous five years as a result of their condition. The percentage was 33% among 25- to 34-year-olds with a severe or very severe disability.

A broad consensus is emerging in Ontario and at the federal level in Canada in favour of expanding postsecondary students' access to experiential or 'work-integrated learning' (WIL) opportunities. One of the challenges in implementing this vision is navigating the complex legal status of students as they leave campus and enter workplaces in a wide range of industries and roles. This study aims to support these efforts by mapping the current legal landscape for WIL to identify both risks and opportunities for students, post-secondary institutions (PSIs) and placement hosts alike (referred to collectively in this study as 'WIL participants'). It makes recommendations to streamline, clarify and strengthen key legal frameworks and improve institutional practices in managing WIL programs and their legal implications.

A literature review which informs Skills for employment for disabled people.

One in five Canadians aged 15 years or older—about 6.2 million people—have one or more disabilities. While people with disabilities can achieve socially integrated, financially independent lives through secure, well-paid employment, they are often trapped in low-skill jobs at high risk of automation. In Canada, persons with disabilities typically earn lower wages and are more precariously employed than the average worker. Among Canadians aged 25 to 64, the rate of poverty is 40 per cent higher for persons with mild disabilities and nearly 200 per cent higher for those with more severe disabilities, than it is for Canadians without disabilities. Examining the reasons that people with disabilities are underemployed reveals difficulties finding work and, once employed, difficulties requesting and getting the support they need to advance to their careers. Social stigma, a lack of understanding, and a lack of supports at many life stages further compounds the challenges that persons with disabilities face. In the future of work, these challenges will likely be exacerbated, as jobs where persons with disabilities typically find employment are often at risk of automation – namely low-skilled, low-education jobs. And while some job categories are projected to experience growth in the years to come, such as the managerial and professional categories, persons with disabilities find themselves underrepresented in these “growth” categories. To eliminate barriers to employment for people with disabilities, employers, policymakers, healthcare workers, educators, architects, and engineers must be educated to develop “disability confidence.” Disability confident employers have the knowledge to create inclusive and accessible work environments and advocate for social change within and beyond their organizations. Beyond that, more research is needed to understand issues around disability and employment, including how automation will affect jobs, how employers can support the transition from school to work, and which accommodation practices will help educators and employers make the future world of work more equitable and inclusive. In particular, research suggests that the transition between school and work appears to be a major challenge for persons with disabilities. Educational institutions and employers could leverage this transition into an opportunity, providing persons with disabilities skills, competencies, and credentials (persons with mild disabilities are already well-educated) to connect into jobs in high growth industries experiencing a need for workers.